THE fact that Italy stood out from the Triple Alliance on the outbreak of the war in August, 1914, revealed to the world that her Government was opposed to the Austrian pre-war policy in the Balkans. The alliance with Germany and Austria had been for Italy an unnatural one. The democratic sympathies of her Government brought the people of Italy more into unity with France and England than with the Central Empires, and but for the alienation from France in the late seventies over the policy of the latter in Tunis, Italy would probably never have sought the support of Bismarck which led up to her joining the Triple Alliance in 1882. In this Alliance Italy never received equal consideration from the other two Powers, but her position in the concert of Europe was strengthened in 1887 by a complete understanding with Great Britain in regard to the Mediterranean.
The Morocco crisis of 1905-6 showed a divergence of view between Italy and her Allies, and at the Algeciras Conference it was made evident that her Mediterranean interests outweighed the claims of the Triple Alliance. The rift which was then made was widened by the Austrian annexation, at the instigation of Germany, of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908. From that year onwards the unpopularity of the Alliance increased among the Italians, and it was this fact that led the Government to take up a more independent position. In 1911 her attitude to the other Powers was revealed by her expedition to Tripoli which involved a war with the Turks. This move was a severe blow to Germany who had herself coveted a sphere of influence in Tripoli and was leaving no stone unturned to secure special favours from the Government of the Porte.
The Triple Alliance was renewed for the fourth time on December 7th, 1912, eighteen months before the date of expiry. Then followed the Balkan Wars which raised a crop of difficulties between Italy and Austria. The success of Serbia and Greece threatened the ambitions of Austria in the Balkans, and the day before the Treaty of Bucharest was signed she made a proposal that Italy should consent to her attacking Serbia. Needless to say, Italy declined to countenance such action, and from this time forward she viewed the policy of Austria with grave suspicion. When Austria-Hungary presented her ultimatum to Serbia in July last year Italy took instant action, warmly supporting the British proposals for a conference and pressing upon Germany the necessity of employing every means to preserve peace. In an interview between Signor Salandra (Italian Premier), the Marquis di san Guiliano (Foreign Secretary) and Herr von Flotow (German Ambassador in Rome), it was plainly intimated that Italy considered herself under no obligation to help Austria if as a result of her ultimatum she should find herself at war with Russia.
The Italian Government made an open declaration of neutrality on August 4th, and in the months that followed Baron Sonnino, who came to the Foreign Office on the decease of the Marquis di san Guiliano, in October, presented to Austria-Hungary a succession of Notes stating the Italian case and demanding as a condition of continued benevolent neutrality the ceding by Austria of:
- (1) The Trentino, with the boundaries fixed for the Kingdom of Italy in 1811.
- (2) A new eastern frontier to include Gradisca and Gorizia.
- (3) Trieste and its neighbourhood. (Trieste to be an open port.)
- (4) The Curzolari Islands off the coast of Dalmatia.
In addition to the above demands were the following:
- (5) The immediate occupation by Italy of the ceded territories.
- (6) The recognition of Italian sovereignty over Vallona and district.
- (7) The renunciation by Austria-Hungary of any claims in Albania.
- (8) A complete amnesty of all political prisoners belonging to the territories mentioned in (1) to (4).
Baron Burian, who had succeeded Count Berchtold at the Foreign Office at Vienna, and Prince Bûllow, acting as German Ambassador in Rome, took up the negotiations with Italy on behalf of their respective Governments, but the longer the conversations lasted the more evident it became to Italy that there was no prospect that her demands would be acceded to. On April 29th of the present year, the Duke d'Avarna telegraphed that Baron Burian practically opposed a negative to all the Italian demands, especially to those contained in the first four articles. On May 3rd Baron Sonnino sent to Vienna a formal denunciation of the Italian-Austrian Alliance. Meantime, public opinion in Italy, which in the early stages of the war, had been divided between those advocating strict neutrality and those advising intervention, gradually united in a demand for active alliance with the cause espoused by the Entente. The reports of German "frightfulness" in Belgium and the sinking of the Lusitania made this demand more insistent. On May 13th, Signor Salandra, President of the Council, resigned and an extraordinary demonstration followed throughout Italy. Protests against reported Bûllow-Giolitti intrigues were universal and Signor Salandra's recall was demanded. When Parliament met on May 20th a Bill conferring extraordinary power on the Government in the event of war was passed with overwhelming majorities, and three days later open hostilities commenced.
A brief review by Lord Kitchener of the Italian achievements in the war will be found on page 152. It will here be sufficient to say that throughout the campaign in the Trentino the Italian armies have kept the upperhand in their encounters with the Austrians and, although, at the time of our going to press, they have not achieved the goal they set out for, the indications are that this is only a matter of time.
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